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10.Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Four Freedoms

Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented
in the history of the union.? I use the word “unprecedented” because at no
previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from
without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in
1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our
domestic affairs.? And, fortunately, only one of these—the four-year war
between the States—ever threatened our national unity.? Today, thank God,
130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the
compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed
by events in other continents.? We have even engaged in two wars with
European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in
the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American
rights and for the Principles of peaceful commerce.? But in no case has a
serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued
independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a
nation has at all times maintained opposition—clear, definite
opposition—to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall
while the procession of civilization went past.? Today, thinking of our
children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves
or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved,
for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars
following the French Revolution.? While the Napoleonic struggle did
threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in
the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812
to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that
neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at
domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in
Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against
the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to
establish itself in this hemisphere.? And friendly strength; it is still a
friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small
threat of danger to our own American future.? But as time went on, as we
remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of
democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles.? We
need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world
reconstruction.? We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less
unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and
which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to
spread over every continent today.
The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at
this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed
either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who
seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at
peace.
During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern
of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great
and small.? And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other
nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give
to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it
unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our
country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far
beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four
continents.? If that defense fails, all the population and all the
resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by
conquerors.? And let us remember that the total of those populations in
those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources
greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the
whole of the Western Hemisphere—yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature— and, incidentally, untrue—for anybody
to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied
behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international
generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or
freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business.? Such
a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.? Those who
would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety
deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we
cannot afford to be soft-headed.? We must always be wary of those who with
sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement.? We
must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip
the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could
bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually
expect if the dictator nation win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct
invasion from across the seas.? Obviously, as long as the British Navy
retains its power, no such danger exists.? Even if there were no British
Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack
us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles
of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in
Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were
captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.
The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the
landing of regular troops.? The necessary strategic points would be
occupied by secret agents and by their dupes—and great numbers of them are
already here and in Latin America.
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will
choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in
serious danger.? That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique
in our history.? That is why every member of the executive branch of the
government and every member of the Congress face great
responsibility—great accountability.
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be
devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril.? For
all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a
decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our
gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a
decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and
small.? And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard
to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard
to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute
people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war
away from our hemisphere.? By this support we express our determination
that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and
the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard
to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of
morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to
acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.?
We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's
freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference
between the two great parties in respect to that national policy.? No
issue was fought out on the line before the American electorate.? And
today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are
demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of
obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our
armament production. ?Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our
summons.? Goals of speed have been set.? In some cases these goals are
being reached ahead of time.? In some cases we are on schedule; in other
cases there are slight but not serious delays.? And in some cases—and, I
am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the
slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past
year.? Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of
production with every passing day.? And today's best is not good enough
for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made.? The men in charge of
the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism.?
They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.? None of us will
be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our
objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.
We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to
catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get
even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of
implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war
is no small task.? The greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the
program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new
shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to
flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of
the progress of the program.? However, there is certain information, as
the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our
own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of
needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.? I
shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and
authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to
manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be
turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor
nations.? Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for
them as well as for ourselves.? They do not need manpower, but they do
need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready
cash.? We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender
merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know
they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay
for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars.? I recommend that we
make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in
the United States, fitting their orders into our own program.? And nearly
all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own
defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what
is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be
kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their
determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make
ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable
time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or
at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and
which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your
defense of freedom.? We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and
our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a
free world.? We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes,
tanks, guns.? This is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats
of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as
an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their
aggression.? Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should
unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators—if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us,
they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an
act of war.? Their only interest is in a new one-way international law,
which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an
instrument of oppression.? The happiness of future generations of
Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make
our aid felt.? No one can tell the exact character of the emergency
situations that we may be called upon to meet.? The nation's hands must
not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that
the emergency—almost as serious as war itself--demands.? Whatever stands
in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at
any time, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups.? A
free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and
of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other
groups but within their own groups.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our
midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to
use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.?
Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses
must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief
in the manner of life which they are defending.? The mighty action that we
are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth
fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things
which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual
stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.? Those things
have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and
strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social
and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution
which is today a supreme factor in the world.? For there is nothing
mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic
systems are simple.? They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and
constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in
the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world.? The inner
and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent
upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate
improvement.? As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and
unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing
gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness
of almost all Americans to respond to that call.? A part of the sacrifice
means the payment of more money in taxes.? In my budget message I will
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for
from taxation than we are paying for today.? No person should try, or be
allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments
in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to
guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism
ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a
world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way
everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means
economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy
peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means
a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough
fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical
aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium.? It is a definite basis for a
kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.? That kind of
world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which
the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order.? A
good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign
revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in
change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on
steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the
concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch.? The world order which
we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a
friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its
millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the
guidance of God.? Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.?
Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep
them.? Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

　