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23.Richard M. Nixon: Cambodian Incursion Address

Good evening my fellow Americans. Ten days ago, in my report to the nation
on Vietnam, I announced a decision to withdraw an additional 150,000
Americans from Vietnam over the next year. I said then that I was making
that decision despite our concern over increased enemy activity in Laos,
in Cambodia, and in South Vietnam. And at that time I warned that if I
concluded that increased enemy activity in any of these areas endangered
the lives of Americans remaining in Vietnam, I would not hesitate to take
strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. Despite that
warning, North Vietnam has increased its military aggression in all these
areas, and particularly in Cambodia.

After full consultation with the National Security Council, Ambassador
Bunker, General Abrams and my other advisors, I have concluded that the
actions of the enemy in the last 10 days clearly endanger the lives of
Americans who are in Vietnam now and would constitute an unacceptable risk
to those who will be there after withdrawal of another 150, 000. To
protect our men who are in Vietnam, and to guarantee the continued success
of our withdrawal and Vietnamization program, I have concluded that the
time has come for action.

Tonight, I shall describe the actions of the enemy, the actions I have
ordered to deal with that situation, and the reasons for my decision.
Cambodia -- a small country of seven million people -- has been a neutral
nation since the Geneva Agreement of 1954, an agreement, incidentally,
which was signed by the government of North Vietnam. American policy since
then has been to scrupulously respect the neutrality of the Cambodian
people. We have maintained a skeleton diplomatic mission of fewer than 15
in Cambodia’s capital, and that only since last August. For the previous
four years, from 1965 to 1969, we did not have any diplomatic mission
whatever in Cambodia, and for the past five years we have provided no
military assistance whatever and no economic assistance to Cambodia.

North Vietnam, however, has not respected that neutrality. For the past
five years, as indicated on this map, that you see here, North Vietnam has
occupied military sanctuaries all along the Cambodian frontier with South
Vietnam. Some of these extend up to 20 miles into Cambodia. The
sanctuaries are in red, and as you note, they are on both sides of the
border. They are used for hit-and-run attacks on American and South
Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam. These Communist-occupied territories
contain major base camps, training sites, logistics facilities, weapons
and ammunition factories, airstrips, and prisoner of war compounds.
And for five years neither the United States nor South Vietnam has moved
against these enemy sanctuaries because we did not wish to violate the
territory of a neutral nation. Even after the Vietnamese Communists began
to expand these sanctuaries four weeks ago, we counseled patience to our
South Vietnamese allies and imposed restraints on our own commanders.
In contrast to our policy the enemy in the past two weeks has stepped up
his guerrilla actions, and he is concentrating his main forces in these
sanctuaries that you see in this map, where they are building up to launch
massive attacks on our forces and those of South Vietnam.
North Vietnam in the last two weeks has stripped away all pretense of
respecting the sovereignty or the neutrality of Cambodia. Thousands of
their soldiers are invading the country from the sanctuaries. They are
encircling the capital of Pnompenh. Coming from these sanctuaries, as you
see here, they had moved into Cambodia and are encircling the capital.
Cambodia, as a result of this, has sent out a call to the United States,
to a number of other nations, for assistance. Because if this enemy effort
succeeds, Cambodia would become a vast enemy staging area and a
springboard for attacks on South Vietnam along 600 miles of frontier: a
refuge where enemy troops could return from combat without fear of
retaliation. North Vietnamese men and supplies could then be poured into
that country, jeopardizing not only the lives of our own men but the
people of South Vietnam as well.

Now confronted with this situation we had three options:

First, we can do nothing. Well the ultimate result of that course of
action is clear. Unless we indulge in wishful thinking, the lives of
Americans remaining in Vietnam after our next withdrawal of 150,000 would
be gravely threatened.

Let us go to the map again.

Here is South Vietnam. Here is North Vietnam. North Vietnam already
occupies this part of Laos. If North Vietnam also occupied this whole band
in Cambodia, or the entire country, it would mean that South Vietnam was
completely outflanked and the forces of Americans in this area as well as
the South Vietnamese would be in an untenable military position.

Our second choice is to provide massive military assistance to Cambodia
itself. Now unfortunately, while we deeply sympathize with the plight of
seven million Cambodians whose country has been invaded, massive amounts
of military assistance could not be rapidly and effectively utilized by
this small Cambodian Army against the immediate trap. With other nations
we shall do our best to provide the small arms and other equipment which
the Cambodian Army of 40,000 needs and can use for its defense. But the
aid we will provide will be limited for the purpose of enabling Cambodia
to defend its neutrality and not for the purpose of making it an active
belligerent on one side or the other.

Our third choice is to go to the heart of the trouble. And that means
cleaning out major North Vietnamese and Vietcong occupied territories,
these sanctuaries which serve as bases for attacks on both Cambodia and
American and South Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam. Some of these,
incidentally, are as close to Saigon as Baltimore is to Washington. This
one, for example, is called the Parrot’s Beak. It’s only 33 miles from
Saigon.

Now faced with these three options, this is the decision I have made. In
co-operation with the armed forces of South Vietnam, attacks are being
launched this week to clean out major enemy sanctuaries on the
Cambodian-Vietnam border. A major responsibility for the ground operations
is being assumed by South Vietnamese forces.

For example, the attacks in several areas, including the parrot’s beak
that I referred to a moment ago, are exclusively South Vietnamese ground
operations, under South Vietnamese command, with the United States
providing air and logistical support. There is one area however,
immediately above the parrot’s beak where I have concluded that a combined
American and South Vietnamese operation is necessary.

Tonight, American and South Vietnamese units will attack the headquarters
for the entire Communist military operation in South Vietnam. This key
control center has been occupied by the North Vietnamese and Vietcong for
five years in blatant violation of Cambodia’s neutrality.

This is not an invasion of Cambodia. The areas in which these attacks will
be launched are completely occupied and controlled by North Vietnamese
forces. Our purpose is not to occupy the areas. Once enemy forces are
driven out of these sanctuaries, and once their military supplies are
destroyed, we will withdraw.

These actions are in no way directed to security interests of any nation.
Any government that chooses to use these actions as a pretext for harming
relations with the United States will be doing so on its own
responsibility and on its own initiative, and we will draw the appropriate
conclusions.

And now, let me give you the reasons for my decision. A majority of the
American people, a majority of you listening to me are for the withdrawal
of our forces from Vietnam. The action I have taken tonight is
indispensable for the continuing success of that withdrawal program. A
majority of the American people want to end this war rather than to have
it drag on interminably. The action I have taken tonight will serve that
purpose. A majority of the American people want to keep the casualties of
our brave men in Vietnam at an absolute minimum. The action I take tonight
is essential if we are to accomplish that goal.
We take this action not for the purpose of expanding the war into
Cambodia, but for the purpose of ending the war in Vietnam, and winning
the just peace we all desire.
We have made, we will continue to make every possible effort to end this
war through negotiation at the conference table rather than through more
fighting in the battlefield.

Let’s look again at the record.

We stopped the bombing of North Vietnam. We have cut air operations by
over 20 per cent. We’ve announced the withdrawal of over 250, 000 of our
men. We’ve offered to withdraw all of our men if they will withdraw
theirs. We’ve offered to negotiate all issues with only one condition: and
that is that the future of South Vietnam be determined, not by North
Vietnam, and not by the United States, but by the people of South Vietnam
themselves.

The answer of the enemy has been intransigence at the conference table,
belligerence at Hanoi, massive military aggression in Laos and Cambodia
and stepped-up attacks in South Vietnam designed to increase American
casualties.

This attitude has become intolerable.

We will not react to this threat to American lives merely by plaintive,
diplomatic protests.

If we did, the credibility of the United States would be destroyed in
every area of the world where only the power of the United States deters
aggression.

Tonight, I again warn the North Vietnamese that if they continue to
escalate the fighting when the United States is withdrawing its forces, I
shall meet my responsibility as commander in chief of our armed forces to
take the action I consider necessary to defend the security of our
American men.

The action I have announced tonight puts the leaders of North Vietnam on
notice that we will be patient in working for peace. We will be
conciliatory at the conference table.

But we will not be humiliated.
We will not be defeated.
We will not allow American men, by the thousands, to be killed by an enemy
from privileged sanctuaries.
The time came long ago to end this war through peaceful negotiations. We
stand ready for those negotiations. We’ve made major efforts, many of
which must remain secret. I say tonight all the offers and approaches made
previously remain on the conference table whenever Hanoi is ready to
negotiate seriously. But if the enemy response to our most conciliatory
offers for peaceful negotiation continues to be to increase its attacks
and humiliate and defeat us, we shall react accordingly.
My fellow Americans, we live in an age of anarchy, both abroad and at
home. We see mindless attacks on all the great institutions which have
been created by free civilizations in the last 500 years. Even here in the
United States, great universities are being systematically destroyed.
Small nations all over the world find themselves under attack from within
and from without. If, when the chips are down, the world’s most powerful
nation -- the United States of America -- acts like a pitiful, helpless
giant, the forces of totalitarianism and anarchy will threaten free
nations and free institutions throughout the world.
It is not our power, but our will and character that is being tested
tonight.
The question all Americans must ask and answer tonight is this: Does the
richest and strongest nation in the history of the world have the
character to meet a direct challenge by a group which rejects every effort
to win a just peace, ignores our warning, tramples on solemn agreements,
violates the neutrality of an unarmed people, and uses our prisoners as
hostages? If we fail to meet this challenge, all other nations will be on
notice that despite its overwhelming power the United States when a real
crisis comes will be found wanting.
During my campaign for the Presidency, I pledged to bring Americans home
form Vietnam. They are coming home. I promised to end this war. I shall
keep that promise. I promised to win a just peace. I shall keep that
promise. We shall avoid a wider war, but we are also determined to put an
end to this war.
In this room, Woodrow Wilson made the great decisions which led to victory
in World War I. Franklin Roosevelt made the decisions which led to our
victory in World War II. Dwight D. Eisenhower made decisions which ended
the war in Korea and avoided war in the Middle East. John F. Kennedy, in
his finest hour, made the great decision which removed Soviet nuclear
missiles from Cuba and the western hemisphere.
I have noted that there’s been a great deal of discussion with regard to
this decision that I have made. And I should point out I do not contend
that it is in the same magnitude as these decisions that I have just
mentioned. But between those decisions and this decision, there is a
difference that is very fundamental. In those decisions the American
people were not assailed by counsels of doubt and defeat from some of the
most widely known opinion leaders of the nation.
I have noted, for example, that a Republican Senator has said that this
action I have taken means that my party has lost all chance of winning the
November elections. And others are saying today that this move against
enemy sanctuaries will make me a one-term President.
No one is more aware than I am of the political consequences of the action
I have taken. It is tempting to take the easy political path, to blame
this war on previous Administrations, and to bring all of our men home
immediately -- regardless of the consequences, even though that would mean
defeat for the United States; to desert 18 million South Vietnamese people
who have put their trust in us; to expose them to the same slaughter and
savagery which the leaders of North Vietnam inflicted on hundreds of
thousands of North Vietnamese who chose freedom when the Communists took
over North Vietnam in 1954.
To get peace at any price now, even though I know that a peace of
humiliation for the United States would lead to a bigger war or surrender
later. I have rejected all political considerations in making this
decision. Whether my party gains in November is nothing compared to the
lives of 400,000 brave Americans fighting for our country and for the
cause of peace and freedom in Vietnam.
Whether I may be a one-term President is insignificant compared to whether
by our failure to act in this crisis the United States proves itself to be
unworthy to lead the forces of freedom in this critical period in world
history.
I would rather be a one-term president and do what I believe was right
than to be a two-term President at the cost of seeing America become a
second-rate power and to see this nation accept the first defeat in its
proud 190-year history.
I realize in this war there are honest, deep differences in this country
about whether we should have become involved; that there are differences
to how the war should have been conducted.
But the decision I announce tonight transcends those differences, for the
lives of American men are involved.
The opportunity for 150,000 Americans to come home in the next 12 months
is involved.
The future of 18-million people in South Vietnam and 7 million people in
Cambodia is involved.
The possibility of winning a just peace in Vietnam and in the Pacific is
at stake.
It is customary to conclude a speech from the White House by asking
support for the President of the United States. Tonight, I depart from
that precedent. What I ask is far more important. I ask for your support
for our brave men fighting tonight halfway around the world, not for
territory, not for glory, but so that their younger brothers and their
sons and your sons can have a chance to grow up in a world of peace, and
freedom, and justice.

Thank you, and good night.

　