4 .Dwight D. Eisenhower: "Atoms for Peace"
Madam President and Members of the General Assembly:
When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General
Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of
conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great
Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset
our
world.
During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind
that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand
here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.
At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I
have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before
in
history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a
single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these
somber
years have already realized part of those hopes.
But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And
in
the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the
office
which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of
the United States will remain steadfast in its support of this body.
This
we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the
wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world
lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men.
Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present
to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure
you
that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke
those
same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so
cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this
great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.
I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some
of
the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and
executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I
had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.
I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger
exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if
hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by
all.
Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even
by
the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more
appropriate
audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the
United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a
sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the
military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new
language
is the language of atomic warfare.
The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of
the
world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of
the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone
of
us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent
search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of
today’s
existence.
My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United
States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know.
I
need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is
global, not merely national in character.
On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic
explosion.
Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted
forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five
times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while
hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT
equivalent.
Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course,
increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent
of
the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and
every
gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.
A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any
reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs
that
fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the
development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. The
development
has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional
status within our armed services.
In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine
Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the
dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.
In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies,
Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous
contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic
bombs.
The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted
extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet
Union
has exploded a series of atomic devices, including at least one
involving
thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the Unites States possessed
what
might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased
to
exist several years ago.
Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate
what
is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today
comprehend two facts of even greater significance.
First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be
shared by others, possibly all others.
Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent
capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself,
against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would
be
inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at least dimly aware
of
these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and
defense systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let
no
one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of
defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any
nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any
such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor
in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a
surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on
the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.
Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our
reactions would be swift and resolute. But for me to say that the
defense
capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict
terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation
capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s
land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true
expression
of the purpose and the hope of the United States.
To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief
that
two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other
indefinitely
across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept helplessly
the
probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the
irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from
generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the
age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and
justice. Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory
in
such desolation.
Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human
degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the
faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals
mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity
to
build.
It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the
United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be
constructive, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among
nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that
the
people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their
own
way of life.
So my country’s purpose is to help us to move out of the dark chamber of
horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the
hopes
of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward towards peace and
happiness and well-being.
In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. I know that in a
world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one
dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many
months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize
that
a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world.
But
I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.
The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over
the
past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we
shun the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of
the
United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet
Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood
the
request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty.
On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to
negotiate the problems of Korea.
Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect
an
expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our
allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note
did
not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously put forward. As
you
already know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great
Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.
The Government of the United States approaches this conference with
hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single
purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards
peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We never
have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender
what is rightly theirs. We will never say that the people of the Russia
are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in
friendly and fruitful relationship.
On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a
relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a
free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West -- the one
sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident
and
peaceful relations.
Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany,
occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a
harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the
other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond
the
turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for
these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their
lives.
These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of
nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through
free grant or peaceful negotiation. There is a record already written of
assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to
those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural
disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises
or protestations of peaceful intent.
But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals
or
the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that
every
new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be
explored.
There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well
explored -- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites
Nations.
In its resolution of November 18, 1953 this General Assembly suggested
--
and I quote -- “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability
of
establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers
principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable
solution
and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security
Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”
The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the
United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other
countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable
solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the
peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private
or diplomatic talks a new conception.
The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination
of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this
weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands
of
those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the
arts of peace.
The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military
build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be
developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind. The United
States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the
future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can
doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had
adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop
their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into
universal, efficient, and economic usage?
To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the
minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are
certain steps that can be taken now. I therefore make the following
proposals:
The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by
elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint
contributions
from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an
international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency
would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.
The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would
properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have
referred to earlier.
The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good
faith. Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith
will
find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.
Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small
in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be
undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any
attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide
inspection
and control.
The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding,
storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other
materials. The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special safe
conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made
essentially immune to surprise seizure.
The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be
to
devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to
serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to
apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other
peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant
electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the
contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve
the needs rather than the fears of mankind.
The United States would be more than willing -- it would be proud to
take
up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby
such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.
Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be
one.
I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and
with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first,
encourage world-wide investigation into the most effective peacetime
uses
of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the
investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all
experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the
potential
destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles; third, allow all
peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great
Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in
human aspirations first rather than in building up the armaments of war;
fourth, open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at
least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved
in
both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the
inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.
Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does
not
wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for
peace.
The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this
Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the
hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may be the
decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.
To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges
before
you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the
fearful atomic dilemma -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find
the
way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated
to
his death, but consecrated to his life.
I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in
inviting me to appear before them and in listening to me so courteously.
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